Haiti Country Summary


Conflict History

After gaining independence in 1804, Haiti became the world’s first black republic, and the second oldest in the Western Hemisphere. Due in large part to its outlawing of slavery, for many years, the European colonial powers and the United States failed to recognise the new nation. With 22 changes of government in 72 years, Haiti passed through periods of economic and social disorder. The United States sent military troops in 1915 and managed the country until1934.

The return to sovereign republican politics stopped short in 1964 when François “Papa Doc” Duvalier, elected to office in 1957, declared himself President-for-life. As a way of guaranteeing limited political opposition he supported the Tonton Macoutes paramilitary force, one of the first such groups in a developing tradition of political violence. Upon his death in 1971, his son Jean-Claude Duvalier (“Baby Doc”) assumed the presidency until civic tensions led to his exile in 1986.

A transitional government ratified a new constitution, created municipal powers and strengthened the country’s democratic institutions. The transition period culminated in the presidential election of 1990, which gave a victory to a charismatic Roman Catholic priest, Jean-Bertrand Aristide, who became president in January 1991.

Given President Aristide’s previous encounters with the economic elite as a preacher of liberation theology and social justice for the poor, his election was perceived as a threat to the interests of wealthy business owners. The frightened elite coalesced with demobilized military troops and successfully waged a coup in September 1991.

In 1994, after the United Nations and the Organization of American States’ attempts at negotiations with the de facto military leader General Raoul Cédras failed, the UN authorized use of force to reinstall President Aristide (UNSC Resolution 940). The US administration of President Bill Clinton, under considerable pressure from the Black Congressional Caucus, led the more than 20,000 international troops and oversaw Aristide’s successful reinstatement to the office of President on October 15.

Due to a constitutional prohibition on consecutive presidential terms, Aristide left office in February 1996 after serving less than two years of his five year presidency. René Préval, former Prime Minister and an ally from Aristide’s Lavalas Political Organization (OPL), won the 1995 election and took office in 1996. This was Haiti’s first successful transfer of power between two democratically elected presidents. Shortly thereafter Aristide led a division in the OPL, forming the Fanmi Lavalas party.

Préval’s term was marked by an increasingly partisan environment. In 1999, he refused to prolong the term of parliament members and ruled by decree. Following a decidedly fraudulent parliamentary election in 2000, and even though a new vote was scheduled to coincide with the Presidential election of November 2000, tensions between the parties persisted. When the opposition organized an electoral boycott, Jean-Bertrand Aristide’s Fanmi Lavalas proceeded largely uncontested to a victory with over 90% of the votes.

Aristide’s third accession to the presidency was countered by the opposition’s Group of 184, a broad coalition of civil society organizations and political parties that had the backing of several important armed groups (including some who were formerly loyal to Aristide).

On February 4, 2004 a gang by the name of Artibonite Resistance Front took control of the northern city of Gonaïves in the department of Artibonite. In concert with other armed groups, the rebellion spread rapidly toward Port-au-Prince. On February 29, 2004, with rebel groups just outside of the capital city, President Aristide resigned the presidency and fled the country, flying to the Central African Republic on a plane chartered by the United States.

International Role

The interim government, led by Boniface Alexandre (President) and Gérard Latortue (Prime Minister) called immediately for an international assistance force. The Multilateral Interim Force was dispatched first, paving the road for the arrival of the United Nations Assistance Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH) created by the Security Council in April 2004. The original mandate of the stability mission included measures for security improvement, vetting/training of the Haitian National Police, demobilization, disarmament and reintegration (DDR) of armed groups and support for constitutional processes, human rights and the rule of law [ United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti - MINUSTAH].

A continuation of insecurity and street violence, in addition to anticipated political violence in the run up to the 2005 presidential elections, led to the temporary increase of troop allocations to MINUSTAH in June 2005 (an increase of approximately 800 troops and 200 civilian police, bringing the total to approximately 7200 troops and 1951 civilian police). In February 2007, the Security Council reviewed MINUSTAH’s mandate. After consultations, members voted to extend the mission until October 2007, when it will again review the mandate and consider further renewal. The current mandate calls upon MINUSTAH to increase the number of operations assisting the Haitian National Police in their efforts to fight armed gangs; to support the political process in Haiti; and to continue working on DDR, especially focusing its efforts on a comprehensive community violence reduction programme.

MINUSTAH faces numerous allegations of sexual abuse by peacekeepers. As a response, the UN has appointed a point person on Port-au-Prince to receive such complaints and has launched a campaign to fight exploitation of women and children in Haiti.

Central Issues

2005 Presidential Elections

While the security situation of civilians deteriorated, up to 75 percent of eligible voters had registered to vote. However, voter ID cards were not widely distributed nor were candidate lists prepared in time for the initial election date. Following multiple postponements, elections were finally held on 7 February, 2006 (the constitutional deadline for succession of a new government). The election was called following mass outcries of fraud, which alleged that votes in favour of René Préval, the former president and ally of Aristide, had been discarded or miscounted. In the end, René Préval was elected president with the absolute majority of votes in the first round, an election deemed by many international observers to be free and fair.

Legislative and Local Elections

Of equal importance were the Parliamentary elections that held simultaneous to the Presidential election. After no candidates won the necessary absolute majority during the first round on February 2, a second round took place on April 21.

Local and municipal elections also took place on December 3, 2006. These determined the mayors and local representatives for the communities and villages and were the first such elections in over ten years.

Armed Groups and the Arms Trade

Initiated under Duvalier, the tradition of arming civilian factions for political support has grown increasingly complex. An International Crisis Group report ["Spoiling Security in Haiti" Latin America/Caribbean Report N°13, 31 May 2005] breaks the phenomenon down into the following categories:

  • Politically affiliated/supported gangs
  • Gangs hired by political parties but lacking political loyalty
  • Criminal gangs

Many of these armed groups consist of former police/army members who were vetted and rehired during the many fluctuations of government over the past 20 years. They provide “protection” to civilians from other factions, and often times from the Haitian National Police (HNP), which is said to employ known human rights abusers.

According to a report by the International Action Network on Small Arms (IANSA), in an exception to a US arms embargo on Haiti dating back to 1991, the US has facilitated controlled weapons sales to the Haitian police [ "The Call for Tough Arms Controls: Voices from Haiti." Control Arms Campaign, January 2006]. Some of these arms have made it into the hands of the population and armed groups by way of corrupt HNP officers with dual allegiances. IANSA estimates that up to 13,000 small arms and light weapons are controlled by illegal armed groups in Haiti.

A more recent security threat has presented itself as well. Beginning in mid-2005, armed groups have waged a campaign of kidnapping of civilians. Mostly targeted at middle and upper class families, it has permeated all levels of society and contributes to a large extent to insecurity in the country.

Further Resources

QUNO Offices

Contact us:

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Parent Bodies

Friends World Committee for Consultation (FWCC)

American Friends Service Committee (AFSC)

Quaker Peace & Social Witness (QPSW)


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